Black Egyptians experience racism daily.
In their article, “Being black in Egypt,” Imogen Lambert and Nada Ramadan, two writers for al-Araby al-Jadeed, convey that those of the Black community in Egypt are deemed “inferior [minorities], subjecting them to varying degrees of racial discrimination and degrading treatment.” Furthermore, another article published by Aljazeera declares that there is “long-standing racism that threatens the security and livelihoods of Egypt’s [sizable] sub-Saharan population.”
Racial discrimination is not criminalized in Egypt.
Very little is done to take a legal stance against the discrimination that Black Egyptians are subject to on a daily basis. In fact, Lambert and Ramadan state the following when discussing the legality of racial discrimination: “The Egyptian constitution prohibits any form of discrimination, including based on skin color. However, the law does not [criminalize] racial discrimination. If you were subjected to racist treatment, the best you can do is attempt to press charges of libel or slander.”
Racial slurs are commonly directed towards Black people in public places.
The terms “chocalata” and “samara” are often used to refer to those of the Black community in Egypt. However, according to the article, term “zarboon,” meaning slave, is also commonly used
Black women are often treated as if they are promiscuous.
Black Egyptian women are often treated as inferior concubines. In fact, a 2013 governmental survey determined that 99.3 percent of Egyptian women have been sexually assaulted at one time or another. According to the al-Araby al-Jadeedarticle, Fatma Ali, a Sudanese writer, confirms that the treatment of Black women is “especially bad due to perceptions of ‘easiness’.” She bluntly states the following: “It goes without saying that they believe all [Black] girls are naturally prostitutes.”
Colorism is openly practiced and, for most part, upheld.
Lambert and Ramadan write that “the degree of racism that [Black] people in Egypt are exposed to often depends on how dark their skin is.” Moreover, in his essay, “The ‘Black Pharaohs’ Fallacy: Misinterpretations of Kush-Kemet Identity,” Tristan Samuels delves into the reality of “intraracial colorism.” He describes it as “hierarchy within a racial group based on skin color.” This notion, no doubt, influences modern-day Egypt. It is for this reason that Abdel Rahman Sherif said the following when interviewed by Lambert and Ramadan: “Black Egyptians are subjected to less racial discrimination than [Sub-Saharan] African immigrants are. Racist Egyptians [try to] tell the difference based on the facial features and the varying shades of skin color.”
Black Egyptians are often subject to police brutality.
As mentioned before, Black Egyptians receive little protection. This reality is also evident in regards to law enforcement. In fact, police officers are often the individuals responsible for inflicting the harm that the Black Egyptian community is forced to encounter. Sherif states,”African victims of racial discrimination in Egypt do not report the violations against them because they know there is no one to protect them. They escape in fear when they see cameras.”
Egyptian media portrays Black people as inferior.
According to the al-Araby al-Jadeed article, “representation of black people in cinema and other media has often historically been either marginal or racist.” Black men are always casted as doormen, cooks, servants, and drivers, while Black women often play the maid or the nanny. Even the Egyptian news media criminalizes the Black community. For instance, the article expresses that an Egyptian newspaper openly accused “’n****rs’ and ‘the [Black] terror gangs in Cairo’ of committing most crimes against activists and journalists.”
Black refugees are second-class citizens.
According to a 2013 article released by Aljazeera, “non-Arab,” or Black, refugees are forced to overcome “much more serious problems.” This is due to the fact that, in many cases, “most refugees in Egypt must remain in the country without identification or any means of subsistence for at least three years.” As a result, “they are forced into the dark economy, working illegally at cafes, on construction sites, and in other manual jobs where abuse is routine and they have little protection in law.” These Black refugees are not guaranteed an education, healthcare, legal protection, or employment. They are ultimately considered to be second-class citizens.
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